Wednesday, June 24, 2009

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News From Asheville Global Report

Jun. 18- At 5:00AM this morning 14 concerned citizens entered onto Massey Energy's mountaintop removal mine site near Twilight WV. Four of them scaled a 150-foot dragline and unfurled a 15×150 foot banner that said, "Stop Mountaintop Removal Mining". The climbers were on the enormous dragline, a massive piece of equipment that removes house-sized chunks of blasted rock and earth to expose coal, and remained there for over three hours. Meanwhile nine others deployed a 20×40 foot banner on the ground at the site which read, "Stop Mountaintop Removal: Clean Energy Now".

Police arrested David Hollister, Melissa O'Neil, Chelsea Ritter Soronen, Lynn Stone, Charles Suggs, Rodney Webb, Jeanne Kirshon, John Johnson Greg Yost, Jessica Sue Eley, Lisa Ramsden, David Pike, Paul Brown, and Kurt Delano Mann. The group is expected to be arraigned early this afternoon at Boone County Jail in Madison, West VA.

This act of peaceful protest comes just days after the Obama Administration announced a plan to reform, but not abolish, the aggressive strip mining practice.

"I've written letters, attended hearings and called my congressman, so far they have done nothing to stop the disastrous and unnecessary practice of mountaintop removal," said Charles Suggs, a 25-year old of Rock Creek, WV who was one of those climbing today. "It has come to the point when we must take direct action to abolish this practice that is immorally robbing Appalachian communities of their culture, their health and their future."

This is the first time a dragline has been scaled on a mountaintop removal site, and marks the latest in a string of protests in West Virginia by residents and allies from across the country. Another protest is set for June 23rd in the Coal River Valley area with local coalfield residents, NASA climate scientist James Hansen, actress Daryl Hannah, and 94-year-old former US Representative Ken Hechler, and Rainforest Action Network Executive Director Michael Brune, among many others.

"It's way past time for civil disobedience to stop mountaintop removal and move quickly toward clean, renewable energy sources," said Judy Bonds, Goldman Environmental Prize winner and co-director of Coal River Mountain Watch of West Virginia. "For over a century, Appalachian communities have been crushed, flooded, and poisoned as a result of the country's dangerous and outdated reliance on coal. How could the country care so little about our American mountains, our culture and our lives?"

An increasing number of concerned Appalachians and environmentalists are calling for the end to mountaintop removal, a practice that harms the people and places of Appalachia, destroys the economic potential of the Appalachian Mountains for long term clean energy opportunities and jobs, and furthers the burning of climate-killing coal.

Every day, mountaintop removal mines use more explosive power than the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima. Mining companies are clear-cutting thousands of acres of some of the world's most biologically diverse forests. They're burying biologically crucial headwaters streams with blasting debris, releasing toxic levels of heavy metals into the remaining streams and groundwater and poisoning essential drinking water. According to the EPA, this destructive practice has damaged or destroyed nearly 2,000 miles of streams and threatens to destroy 1.4 million acres of forest by 2020.

Just days before this action, the Obama Administration announced steps to end the fast-tracking of certain mountaintop removal coal mine permits and to add tougher enforcement in Appalachia. However, it remains unclear what, if any, improvements this will have on-the-ground in Appalachia or elsewhere. Without a significant change in policy, mining companies will continue to destroy historic mountain ranges and bury community's drinking water in toxic waste.

Source: Mountain Action

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North Decoder

Detour (1945): A Poverty Row Must See

I may have a new favorite in the film noir genre. Double Indemnity has pretty much been replaced in my heart with Detour, released in 1945.

Some good reasons to like this include: No major character you can really root for, and feel good about yourself afterwards; actors you have never of; the budget.

How low was the budget of this movie? Well, it was shot largely on two sets. A hotel room set and a car shot in front of a screen. Oh, the car belonged to the director. It was made for about 20 grand. I love this movie.

Here is the basic plot-man hitchhikes from NY to Cali to be with the woman he loves. Man gets ride with cad who dumped a woman along the way. Cad dies and leaves a bankroll and car with hitchhiker who decides that cops will not believe that the guy up and died. Man picks up bimbo who was dumped by cad. The two conspire to swindle an inheritance using the identity of said cad. Man accidentally kills floozy and goes on run. Hollywood production code demands that man get nabbed by cops at last minute. Can you beat that with a stick!?

This is the only poverty row studio film to be on the national film registry. So, what gives it that distinction. It cannot be for cinematography, or set design. These are pretty basic in the film. It really can't be for the acting. The acting is pretty ham-fisted and the narration is about as subtle as a flying mallet.

It would have to be because this movie is such a profound example of noir. The hero kind of wants to do the right thing, but seems plagued by an epic flaw to never do the right thing. He constantly makes the choice he should not have.

To tell you the truth, I am almost willing to say that this film should be on the national registry, just because the female lead is played by an actress named Ann Savage. That almost does it for me, right there. It is kind of a road picture, so it is a good example of that also.

I really think that one of the major reasons this film is in the national registry, is because, once you see it, you really cannot get enough. The plot of the movie is a train wreck that you hate yourself for watching.

We also need movies like this for the national registry, because a lot of people in Hollywood, and other places made movies. Not everything was a gritty Warner Brothers drama, or a flashy MGM musical. There were a lot of people who got up every day and made motion pictures. Not everyone was, or should have been This movie is a shot-and-a-beer of American filmmaking at a rundown bar. This movie is not champagne at a fancy night club. If people were lucky, they stumbled into this film at a rundown theater in the 1940. They probably came away with a pretty good yarn. Do see this movie,

Tuesday, June 16, 2009

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News From Infoshop

June 15-2009-June 3, 2009 was a day of anger and sadness for people in the Rio Grande Valley, Texas—a region known for its vast rural landscapes and primarily immigrant community. At around 6:15 a.m., Southwest Workers’ Union (SWU) member Nadezhda Garza received a phone call from a detainee inside the Port Isabel Detention Center (PIDC). The worried voice on the other end of the phone line informed Garza that fellow detainee Rama Carty had been assaulted by four private guards and one federal Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agent at around 5:45 a.m. The ICE agent allegedly involved was identified as Lieutenant Sandoval. When Carty demanded to speak with representatives of Amnesty International, USA, the guards proceeded to drag him away. Policy Director of Refugee and Migrant Rights for Amnesty International, USA, Sarnata Reynolds, and a representative named Daryl Grisgraber, were at PIDC since June 2. They were writing up a report on conditions inside the facility, and met with Carty on the day before the assault.

At around 8:00 a.m. after the assault, Carty called Garza to corroborate his friend’s phone call, but also to inform her of his situation: “He said they were transferring him to a detention center in Louisiana, and from there he will be deported to Haiti,” Carty said. Carty then requested to speak with Amnesty International in order to stop the transfer. Carty then told Garza that his friend needed to remain in the PIDC in order to show his documentation regarding the abuses. According to Garza, Carty wanted to assert that he was a U.S. citizen and had the documentation to prove it. He wanted to make it clear that justice was being obstructed. He was sent to Texas, and did not have the legal resources to fight his way out of detention.
No Time Wasted

As soon as the initial phone call came from Carty’s fellow detainee, organizers on the outside took action. “We began to make phone calls to our community activists and friends. We sent out a press release to both local and international media in order to make this as public as possible.” said Hector Guzman, a student organizer in McAllen, Texas. Garza also called the ICE office, which oversees the PIDC, and spoke to Assistant Field Director James Bentsen. When she informed him of the incident, he simply said “I don’t believe you” and shrugged it off.

The SWU staged a zero hour protest circa 1:30 p.m., outside the PIDC, denouncing what happened and demanding a freeze on Carty’s deportation. Still, protesters felt that their biggest chance of stopping the illegal removal of Carty was for Amnesty International to take action. They were, after all, on the inside.

Organizers made several phone calls to Reynolds, informing her of what was happening with Carty and requesting they meet with him and stop the transfer. Amnesty International was notified, yet refused to move on the situation. Instead, they implied that they had a schedule to meet and that Carty would not be deported right away. Garza said “(Amnesty International) proved themselves impotent … they let it happen. That is why we want community organizations in the (PIDC)—people who have a connection with the people in there, not out-of-towners who are just here to compile a report, and too worried about their schedule to pay attention to a crisis that went on right under their nose.”

Towards the end of the demonstration, Amnesty representatives drove out of the facility and admitted to protesters that Carty had been rushed out of PIDC. They did not bother to join the community action or step out of their vehicle. Since April 2009, local organizers with the SWU and members of Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) have been working for justice at PIDC. They have had weekly visits with the detainees, but have not been allowed to monitor conditions on the inside or the state of those still fasting.

The hunger strikers are spearheading a movement to put an end to the inhumane detention of immigrant workers, and we should view this struggle as part of the broader class war. The Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) actions against Carty are viewed as retaliation and have had a definite effect on all the immigrants at PIDC.
Hunger Strike Organizer

Who is Rama Carty? Rama Carty is a known leader and participant in a hunger strike that has been going on at the PIDC since late April. He was born in the Democratic Republic of Congo to Haitian parents, but has lived in the United States for more than 38 years. After he and other detainees read a report documenting the deplorable conditions that exist throughout the entire immigrant detention system, they felt compelled to do something about it, and decided to stage a hunger strike. Soon after, the hunger strike spread to include up to 200 detainees at the PIDC.They demanded (and continue to demand) the right to due process, medical attention for all detainees, access to legal resources, and an end to physical and verbal abuses by guards at the facility.

At the time of his transfer, Carty had been detained by DHS/ICE for over 13 months, after serving a two-year sentence for a drug conviction he had already served time for. He also said that his drug conviction was wrongful. Carty has been interviewed by several news sources, including a recorded telephone interview with the Texas Observer which was aired on the popular independent radio/television news program Democracy Now.

At the writing of this story, it was known that Carty was at the LaSalle Detention Facility in Jena, Louisiana. The Consulate General of Haiti is refusing to issue DHS a travel permit in the name of Rama Carty because they have no Haitian birth record for him. Rama Carty has the strong language of a revolutionary, with such calm and concentrated delivery comparable to that of Mumia Abu Jamal. Our hearts and solidarity are with him.

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FIRE Is Not In Favor Of Student Rights

FIRE, the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, has either forgotten and strayed from its original mission, or it was lying about that original mission to begin with. This is the inescapable conclusion that can be drawn from the tortured defense of the scuttling of the College Democrats club from Liberty University, from the chief of FIRE, David French. The first conclusion to be drawn from French's defense of Liberty University is excusable but must be redressed. The second is inexcusable.

As a matter of quick background, the evangelical private university, Liberty University, which was founded by Jerry Falwell, decided that the College Democrats could no longer be a recognized campus organization, because of its affiliation with the Democratic Party, which supports abortion and equal marriage rights. These positions were held to be at variance with the official positions of the university. Now, to be perfectly honest, there is not much of a First Amendment issue here. Liberty is a private organization. The question becomes, not was this legal, but was it right?

Here is part of FIRE's mission statement, from their website: The mission of FIRE is to defend and sustain individual rights at America's colleges and universities. These rights include freedom of speech, legal equality, due process, religious liberty, and sanctity of conscience—the essential qualities of individual liberty and dignity.

Well, Yay! I Cannot disagree with anything there. Which makes defenses of Liberty by French, all the more: weird.

Let us try to follow it: In my experience, private colleges — especially religious private colleges — run into problems when they try to be all things to all people, when they promise freedom but impose speech codes, when they try to advance a religious mission but crave approval from an overwhelmingly (and aggressively) secular academic culture, and when they try to "broaden their appeal" while still telling donors that they have retained their "religious roots."

So, as this applies to the case at hand: Liberty is different. The school could not be more explicit about its mission; from its doctrinal statement to its purpose, to its "Distinctives," Liberty positions itself as not just religiously conservative but politically conservative as well (heck, one of its "Distinctives" is an "absolute repudiation of 'political correctness'").

So, I guess expecting it to encourage viewpoints different than its doctrinal statements would be like asking a a wifebeater, to stop beating his wife. After all, is it not a distinctive trait of wife beaters to beat their wives?

So here then is why FIRE, though it has taken other private universities to task for what it perceives to be threats to student liberties: When a private university, however, acts in a manner that is consistent with its stated mission and purpose, it is exercising its own civil liberties, not violating student rights.

Uhhhh….Yeah, except as noted above it is not the stated mission of FIRE to defend corporate rights, but Individual rights. The right of Liberty to do what it did is roughly equivalent to the right of French to bop me in the nose. It ends where my nose begins.

Here is what it comes down to: Censorship by conservatives-good. Censorship by liberals-bad.

I hate speech codes at college campuses as much as French does. However, once could argue that it would be against the mission of a secular university to recognize student religious organizations. Here is the difference between me and FIRE. I would never make an argument like that. FIRE has made such
an argument, and that is all the difference.

Tuesday, June 9, 2009

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News From Green Left Weekly

May 31 2009-Imagine a government trying to sell to the public a new proposal to reduce murder rates by selling right to murder. The government brazenly names it the Murder Reduction Scheme.

Here is how it works. The money raised by selling murder rights could be used to subsidise terrified potential victims to arm themselves for self-protection, thus hopefully reducing their chances of being murdered.

But that’s not all!

Some of the money raised from selling the murder permits would also be used to compensate professional killers and other commercial organisations that might be adversely affected.

It is hoped that over time, subtle “market signals” will force these murderous commercial enterprises to invest in non-murderous activities.

Sorry, that’s just not good enough, responds the opposition that prides itself on being even more committed than the government to protect business interests.

The Murder Reduction Scheme will wreck the economy, it says. It demands the biggest killing companies be “compensated” with even more free murder permits.

Feeling the pressure, the government announces more free permits will be given out.

The government then rolls out a Clark Kent lookalike, who allegedly was once a hard-fighting union chief, to threaten the opposition: “I’m warning you Silvertails, if you force the Murder Reduction Scheme back to the drawing board, Murders Inc could end up paying more. You’ll never get a better deal than this,” he growls.

Meanwhile, a group of crime researchers release a new study that shows a “90% probability” that already sharply rising murder rates had been underestimated by half.

* * *

Thank goodness the real political world is not as bad as this … or is it?

Green Left Weekly is loud and clear in opposing the Rudd Labor
governments Carbon Pollution Reduction Scheme (CPRS) — which should be called what it really is: the Carbon Pollution Trading Scheme.

It won’t do anything to address the climate emergency — in fact it will make things worse.

The CPRS should be blocked in the Senate. Federal and state governments should stop playing games with our future and invest in a massive, publicly-owned and controlled, shift to renewable energy.

The total phasing-out of the coal industry and other heavy carbon polluting industries needs to begin now. The workers in these industries need to be retrained and re-employed in building up the new renewable energy systems and other projects to improve ecological sustainability.

We have the technology and the resources and it can be done. All it needs is the political will.

Green Left Weekly takes this message to the streets, week after week. And we do so on a shoestring. But we need the help of our readers and supporters to stay afloat.

So far this year our supporters have raised $96,099.08 for our Fighting Fund. This is 38% of our annual target of $250,000. If our supporters bring in another $8,000 before the end of May we will be right on target.

Please make a donation to our fighting fund at: Greenleft,
Commonwealth Bank of Australia, BSB 062-006, Account No. 00901992. Or, send a cheque or money order to PO Box 515, Broadway NSW 2007 or phone it through on the toll-free line at 1800 634 206 (within Australia).

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Lou Adler And Dunhill Records

When sixties music is usually discussed, the name of Lou Adler rarely surfaces. It is a shame really. Lou is largely responsible for signing a lot of the major acts of the era, helping to merchandise one of the seminal films, and helping to launch a major songwriting team.

Adler and Dunhill records is an interesting story. Adler was a music promoter and one of his major acts was Johnny Rivers. Dunhill Productions helped bring to fruition, a record deal between Rivers and Imperial his first label.

Dunhill actually became a record label, and oh, the acts that became a part of the Dunhill Family. Let us just start with The Mamas and The Papas. Surely one of the most accomplished vocal acts of the era. Of course, the hit spin offs of Cass Elliott were also Dunhill releases. One of the hardest rocking acts of the era, Steppenwolf was also a Dunhill act. The Grass Roots were morphed from a San Francisco folk-punk group into one of the biggest hit machines of the era on Dunhill. One of the finest bands of the 1970s, Three Dog Night are also a Dunhill find.

In what was a bit of licensing genius, one of the seminal movies of the 1960s, Easy Rider, got its soundtrack release on Dunhill, when only two of the artists, Steppenwolf and Smith were Dunhill acts. In an era when record labels were jealously guarding the next big thing, this was pretty big news.

The songwriting combo of Sloan and Barri, who penned multiple hits for the Grass Roots was also launched on Dunhill.

There are lots of delightful odds and sods that can be considered Dunhill releases. The solo work of Phil Sloan, which is fairly rogh-edged folk-rock can also be found on Dunhill. The early solo work of John Phillips of The Mamas and The Papas were Dunhill releases. The previously mentioned one-hit wonders, Smith and the solo work of their lead vocalist Gayle McCormick. An engaging garage nugget from the Woolies, a rave up of Who Do You Love? that made it all the way to #97 on the pop charts was a Dunhill release. A nifty little pop-psych gem by the Lamp of Childhood that placed on the Bubbling Under chart was also released. A compilation of some of these gems would be a nifty boxed set.

Adler was also responsible, to a large degree for the Monterey Pop Festival, at which his client , Johnny Rivers performed.

Labels often get swallowed by the bigger fish and eventually Dunhill became ABC-Dunhill, and then just ABC. Ever the Maverick, Lou struck out on his own again and founded Ode records, which gave the world Carole King, Spirit, and others. A giant in sixties music, who needs to be better remembered.